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Iraq, Syrian, Turkey, Daash, ME news & update; Related articles, videos and photos
Topic Started: Dec 22 12, 1:10 (60,232 Views)
Xoybun
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Nice ^^
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ISIS in Control of Samara - Anbar
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Russian Girenak Joseph, who visited Kirkuk in Kurdistan as a part of his tour throu the 1870 - 1873 AD, who published the results of his trip & his studies later in 1879, in the 4th volume in the Bulletin of the Caucasus department of the Royal Geographical Russian Society estimated Kirkuk's population as many as 12-50,000 people, & he emphasized that except 40 Christian families, the rest of the population were Kurds. As for The Turkmen & Arabs, they have not been already existed at the time.
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Xoybun
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I hope Maliki annihilates them, if ISIS is really growing this fast they could be a potential danger to WK primarily (they aren't now as Bashar Long Neck's army cut the ISIS "enclave" or "strip" that extends from Latakia to Southern Anbar) and SK, secondarily as attacking SK would be suicide since Turkey is our bitch now
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Xoybun
Jun 6 14, 12:20
I hope Maliki annihilates them, if ISIS is really growing this fast they could be a potential danger to WK primarily (they aren't now as Bashar Long Neck's army cut the ISIS "enclave" or "strip" that extends from Latakia to Southern Anbar) and SK, secondarily as attacking SK would be suicide since Turkey is our bitch now
By the potential danger regarding SK, I only mean a war similar to WK, that's when Tukey will protect it's interests, otherwise terror attacks like in Hewler and Slemani and Kerkûk might even be supported by Turkey
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Disaster in the Levant: the Syrian Civil War in its fourth year

Fathom Magazine, 2/6

The Syrian Civil War is now grinding on into its fourth year. Over 150,000 people have died, and tens more are being killed every day in the ongoing fighting. Millions have lost their homes. Many will almost certainly never return to them. This is by far the greatest disaster to have hit the Levant in a generation. It has impacted not only Syria itself, but also its neighbours – with most profound implications for Iraq and Lebanon.

Syria today has in many ways ceased to exist as a coherent entity. Since mid-2012, the regime of Bashar Assad has ruled over only a minority of the territory of the country (about 40 per cent) and a bare majority of its population. No united successor regime has arisen in the area not controlled by the regime. Rather, a number of projects are under way.

Perhaps the most powerful and consequential of these is the Islamic proto-state controlled by the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS) organisation, stretching from Anbar and Ninawah provinces in western Iraq, up through eastern Syria to the Turkish border.

A Kurdish autonomous project has also emerged, ruling over three non-contiguous areas of majority Kurdish population in northern Syria. Elsewhere, a variety of rival Sunni Arab rebel groups have carved out fiefdoms of their own. The country today is a confusing patchwork of rival powers. The regime possesses a coherent entity stretching from the capital, Damascus and its environs, up to the western coastal area ­– the heartland of the Alawi sect to which the president belongs.

The regime has won a series of victories in recent months, first of all in the Qalamun mountains area, culminating in the capture of the town of Rankous. Regime forces followed this by clearing out the city of Homs, part of which had been held by the rebels since the first year of the uprising.

These achievements on the part of the regime were impressive. They led to it feeling sufficiently confident to announce presidential ‘elections’ in June. Assad also issued a statement predicting that military operations by his armed forces would conclude in 2014, leaving only the fight against terrorism.

Assad’s renewed confidence appears somewhat misplaced, however. The dictator, with the very determined and consequential aid of the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Corps and various Iranian regional allies and proxies, has succeeded in ending any immediate danger to the regime’s existence. This is a not inconsiderable achievement, when one considers that, at the end of 2012, the rebels appeared set to conquer Aleppo and begin a push for Damascus. In 2013 the regime succeeded in reversing this picture.

Yet as of now, at least, what this seems to mean is the consolidation of the lines that fragment Syria, and which render its borders increasingly fictional. Assad may have ring-fenced the capital and the west, but he is not even close to achieving the reunification of the country. The same weaknesses that caused the regime to abandon large swathes of Syria in the summer of 2012 remain relevant: the shortage of reliable manpower, and the inability to take and hold areas of rebel support.

Consequently, the foreseeable future for Syria appears to offer only fragmentation and continued war. To understand Syria today, it is important to understand that there is no longer a single ‘civil war’ taking place between a regime and a rebellion against it. Rather, there exists a variety of powerful entities in the country, each strong enough to prevent its destruction by any of the others.

The Assad regime in mid-2014

The Assad regime should not be seen as a single, unified structure. ‘Regime’ forces today constitute a network of interests, not all of which are under the direct command of Assad himself. Indeed, the most significant element of the forces engaged on behalf of the regime – namely, the Iranian Revolutionary Guards Quds Force personnel and Hezbollah – do not take orders from the dictator.

Assad has from the outset enjoyed a very pronounced technical superiority over the rebels. He has maintained total control of the country’s skies. He possesses also a missile and artillery capability, a still existent chemical weapons capacity which he has continued to employ in recent weeks, and strong international backing – from Iran, Russia and Iraq – a level of support not enjoyed by the rebellion.

His problem from the outset, however, has been a lack of reliable manpower. While on paper, the Syrian Arab Army (SAA) is large – approximately 295,000 regular soldiers – the great majority of these were Sunni Arab conscripts whom the regime could not trust once the rebellion began.

Assad could rely only on a number of select units – his special forces, the Republican Guard, and the 4th Armoured Division commanded by his brother Maher. These were augmented by the largely Alawi irregular forces known as the Shabiha.

In the course of 2013, the problem of a lack of reliable manpower was to an extent solved by the arrival of greater numbers of foreign fighters and, no less importantly, by the creation and training by the Quds Force and Hezbollah of a new militia force, the National Defence Forces, which operates as an auxiliary force for the regime. This force, established in the first months of 2013, numbers about 100,000 fighters.

The regime’s lack of numbers was also addressed by the entry of a larger number of Hezbollah fighters from Lebanon ( there are an estimated 7,000 fighters in the country at any one time). In addition, Iraqi Shia volunteers of Sadrist and other Shia Islamist loyalties have also entered Syria to operate on behalf of the regime.

So, in 2014, the ‘regime’ side looks like a coalition of pro-Iranian forces, of which the SAA forms only one element. But this reorganised pro-government side has enjoyed a series of successes over the last year, beginning with the reconquest of Qusayr in April 2013, continuing with the long offensive across the Qalamoun mountains area (which succeeded in closing rebel access to the Lebanese border) and, as of now, concluding with the expulsion of rebels from Homs and Rankous.

Politically, there are no indications of splits or fractures in the regime. Rather, Bashar Assad has succeeded throughout in preserving the core group around him, and since his fortunes have notably improved in the course of 2013, any internal fissures now look unlikely.

The international coalition behind him also remains solid. Recent reports detailing Iranian recruitment of Afghan Shia refugees to fight for the regime in Syria indicate not only the regime’s continued concerns over manpower, but also Iran’s continued commitment to Assad’s survival. The regime’s control over Damascus, the western coastal area and the roads linking them, and linking Damascus with Hama and Aleppo, are not currently under serious challenge.

The rebellion in mid-2014

The Syrian rebels have been stymied from the outset by two related factors: the absence of a united international coalition supporting them, and the absence of a single unified chain of command. Both these factors remain, yet it is noteworthy that the rebellion continues to command the loyalty of a large number of men willing to fight, and that despite its difficulties it does not appear to show signs of collapse.

The largest and most significant political-military grouping in the rebellion today is the Islamic Front (IF), consisting of approximately 60,000 fighters. This is a gathering of some of Syria’s most powerful Islamist militias, including the Tawhid Brigade from the Aleppo area, Liwa al-Islam from Damascus and Suqur al-Sham. It includes also the avowedly Salafi group Ahrar al-Sham. Formed on 22 November 2013, the IF dominates rebel military activity in the northern part of the country and has been responsible for the recent offensive into northern Latakia province.

In addition to this force, a number of smaller rebel units of more moderate outlook and a number of more extreme jihadi formations are also operating: the Syrian Revolutionaries Front in Idleb Province, the smaller Harakat Hazm group and the recently formed coalition known as the Southern Front are all militant elements associated with the Supreme Military Council (SMC) headed by General Abdullah al-Bashir.

The SMC, in turn, regards itself as the military wing of the Syrian National Coalition, headed by Ahmed Jarba. It is doubtful, however, whether the various elements are actually subordinated to the SMC in any clear command and control structure. Rather, they identify broadly with the aims of the Council and some among them are the beneficiaries of Western and Saudi aid.

Regarding the jihadis, two elements have emerged to prominence since mid-2013: the Jabhat al-Nusra group and ISIS.

Nusra is regarded by the Al-Qaeda core leadership as its franchise in Syria. The group has proved able to cooperate with other rebel organisations, and is one of the most militarily effective of rebel military groups.

ISIS, formed in April 2013, has followed a far more radical and confrontational path than Nusra. It emerged from the Iraqi branch of Al-Qaeda and is commanded by an Iraqi, Abu Bakr al Baghdadi. ISIS controls a large swath of territory stretching deep into Anbar and Ninawah provinces in western Iraq, up through Deir a Zor and Raqqa provinces in Syria and to the Turkish border. This area includes the only provincial capital city to have fallen into rebel hands – Raqqa city.

In this area, ISIS has begun to build its version of an Islamic state. This has included punishments of astonishing brutality, including a number of cases of crucifixion, and the introduction of systematised discrimination against Christians in the area. Through its actions against other rebels, and adoption of these extreme means, ISIS has alienated itself from other rebel groups, who commonly maintain that the group is supported by the regime.

No conclusive proof of this has emerged, however. It is also important to note that ISIS remains among the most militarily effective of the Islamist and jihadi organisations active in northern Syria. Facing the threat of attack from other rebel groups in January 2014, ISIS carried out a redeployment, abandoning Idleb and Latakia provinces and retrenching further east. This was not a military defeat for the group, but rather a deliberate redeployment. As one ISIS fighter described to me: ‘If there are powers against me, I have to retreat and protect my back. And perhaps in the future I will return again.’

There is evidence that a ‘war economy’ has emerged among the rebels. Conversations with a number of sources suggest it has become the accepted practice for certain rebel commanders in the north of the country to allow regime garrisons besieged in isolated bases to bring in food, and even allow soldiers to enter and exit, in return for payment.

Similarly, in Aleppo city, possession of certain weapons systems and armoured vehicles by some rebel commanders has been turned into a source of income, with these men hiring the systems to other fighting groups in return for money. It is worth stressing that the groups suspected of engagement in this activity are not connected either to the IF or the jihadi groups. Rather, they are to be found among the ‘moderate’ formations.

The rebels on the ground remain severely disunited, but with some formidable elements among them, in no apparent danger of collapse.

In terms of their international backers, the situation is similarly confused. Saudi Arabia, Turkey and Qatar took the lead in assisting the rebels in the first part of the rebellion. At the present time, Qatar remains active in support of the more Islamist and jihadi elements, while Saudi Arabia is cooperating more closely with the US in supporting more moderate groups. But while the US has been reported to have carried out training and assistance to selected rebel groups on a limited basis, this has had only a small impact on the battlefield.

The US remains justifiably concerned at the possibility that weapons it provides could find their way into the hands of extremist jihadis. A large shipment of weaponry, sent by the Saudis in early 2012, included items which found their way into the hands of extremist elements. Informed sources revealed to me that items from a smaller shipment of TOW anti-tank missiles, sent to rebels in the north in April 2014, have already ended up in the hands of Jabhat al-Nusra, despite supposed precautions taken by the US and the Saudis.

Kurds

The Kurdish Democratic Union Party (PYD) and the People’s Protection Units (commonly known as the YPG militia) have emerged as a ‘third force’ in the Syrian conflict. The party, the Syrian franchise of the Kurdish Workers Party (PKK), currently controls three non-contiguous land areas in northern Syria, to which it has given the collective name of ‘Rojava.’ The largest of these stretches from the Syrian-Iraqi border to the town of Ras al Ayin further west. The next, about 80 km further west, is an enclave surrounding the city of Kobani (Ayn al-Arab). A third enclave still further west surrounds the city of Afrin.

Within these areas, which the Kurds established after the withdrawal of regime forces from much of northern Syria in the summer of 2012, a governing authority dominated by the PYD and a number of allied parties has been established. While there have been allegations of heavy handedness by the Assad loyalist authorities against rival Kurdish groups, these areas constitute one of the most peaceful and effectively governed areas of northern Syria today. The YPG militia, roughly 50,000 strong, has also emerged as one of the most effective forces.

The Kurds regard themselves as pursuing a separate path to both the regime and the rebels, which has led to accusations by some rebel forces that the PYD is conspiring with the regime – despite the fact there have been instances of clashes between the regime forces and the YPG in Aleppo, Qamishli and elsewhere. For their part, the Kurds say they will defend their areas of control from all attackers, while not seeking to conquer further areas by force. The eastern and central Kurdish enclaves have been subject to ISIS assault, since they directly adjoin ISIS areas of control. But ISIS has not yet succeeded in conquering any part of the Kurdish-held areas.

Where next?

The balance of power and hence the stalemate between the combatant sides in the Syrian conflict shows no sign of being broken any time soon. The regime’s recent gains in the west are significant, but only in so far as they serve to confirm that there is no immediate threat to the regime’s own future. Assad is not currently in a position to begin to reconquer the main rebel-held areas, and he has not yet begun to do so.

A certain ‘normalisation’ of the war has set in, particularly in the north of the country. This has included the well-reported local ‘ceasefire’ agreements in a number of places, but also less known practices emerging in some areas where the war has become an avenue for personal power and enrichment.

There is no longer simply a ‘rebel’ and a ‘regime’ side in the war. The regime has itself become a complex network of forces, some of whom are clearly not under the control or command of Bashar Assad.

In areas not controlled by the regime, meanwhile, two of the most powerful forces – ISIS and the Kurds – are engaged in war with one another and each are in their turn regarded with hostility by the Sunni Islamist IF, which is also fighting Assad. To a degree, the IF, ISIS and the Kurdish governing authority may all be seen as embryonic, competing ‘successor authorities’ to the regime in the north of the country, which it departed in July 2012.

Given the military stalemate, the absence of any meaningful diplomatic process following the failed ‘Geneva 2’ conference and the continued commitment of the various sides to their own victory, the war in Syria looks set to continue for the foreseeable future. This is a tragedy for the people of Syria, over 150,000 of whom have already died, and for the region as a whole. The Syrian Civil War, the greatest disaster to hit the Levant for a generation, is still far from a conclusion.

http://jonathanspyer.com/2014/06/06/disaster-in-the-levant-the-syrian-civil-war-in-its-fourth-year/
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Milki gear in Samara
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Russian Girenak Joseph, who visited Kirkuk in Kurdistan as a part of his tour throu the 1870 - 1873 AD, who published the results of his trip & his studies later in 1879, in the 4th volume in the Bulletin of the Caucasus department of the Royal Geographical Russian Society estimated Kirkuk's population as many as 12-50,000 people, & he emphasized that except 40 Christian families, the rest of the population were Kurds. As for The Turkmen & Arabs, they have not been already existed at the time.
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Who the f**k sends lone Tanks, with little ammunition and no Infantry support, to fight COIN battles in a city? The human stupidity is truly infinite.
And why MT-LBs? The Humvees would do the job.

I fear that a similar scenario could happen to Peshmerga in a conventional war (not AS bad as IA, due to different strategy, but not far from it). The reason is the commanders are either former guerrilla or loyal politicians with few of them having any significant knowledge on conventional warfare. Peshmerga would most likely turn into a guerrilla-like force rather quickly in a conventional war. I hope Gorran will reform Peshmerga and change this.

By the way, only MI-17s have been shot down in this conflict as far as I'm aware. Still no downed hinds (the new helis they recently got).
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https://www.facebook.com/video/embed?video_id=482492791896953
Russian Girenak Joseph, who visited Kirkuk in Kurdistan as a part of his tour throu the 1870 - 1873 AD, who published the results of his trip & his studies later in 1879, in the 4th volume in the Bulletin of the Caucasus department of the Royal Geographical Russian Society estimated Kirkuk's population as many as 12-50,000 people, & he emphasized that except 40 Christian families, the rest of the population were Kurds. As for The Turkmen & Arabs, they have not been already existed at the time.
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ALAN
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https://www.facebook.com/video/embed?video_id=466639656805992
Russian Girenak Joseph, who visited Kirkuk in Kurdistan as a part of his tour throu the 1870 - 1873 AD, who published the results of his trip & his studies later in 1879, in the 4th volume in the Bulletin of the Caucasus department of the Royal Geographical Russian Society estimated Kirkuk's population as many as 12-50,000 people, & he emphasized that except 40 Christian families, the rest of the population were Kurds. As for The Turkmen & Arabs, they have not been already existed at the time.
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ALAN
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https://www.facebook.com/video/embed?video_id=660724627330434
Russian Girenak Joseph, who visited Kirkuk in Kurdistan as a part of his tour throu the 1870 - 1873 AD, who published the results of his trip & his studies later in 1879, in the 4th volume in the Bulletin of the Caucasus department of the Royal Geographical Russian Society estimated Kirkuk's population as many as 12-50,000 people, & he emphasized that except 40 Christian families, the rest of the population were Kurds. As for The Turkmen & Arabs, they have not been already existed at the time.
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ALAN
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This is what happens to a nation [iraqi] who genicides another nation (Anfal and Halabja =187,000 victims) and has no remorse.
Russian Girenak Joseph, who visited Kirkuk in Kurdistan as a part of his tour throu the 1870 - 1873 AD, who published the results of his trip & his studies later in 1879, in the 4th volume in the Bulletin of the Caucasus department of the Royal Geographical Russian Society estimated Kirkuk's population as many as 12-50,000 people, & he emphasized that except 40 Christian families, the rest of the population were Kurds. As for The Turkmen & Arabs, they have not been already existed at the time.
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ALAN
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Iraqi Army Suffers Heavy Casualties from ISIS Attacks in Mosul

By RÛDAW 10 hours ago

ERBIL, Kurdistan Confederation —Dozens of Iraqi soldiers were skilled on Saturday morning as fighters from the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) surround the city of Mosul in KRG and cut off the city from the rest of the country.

Around 70 people are reported to have been killed and 36 injured in ongoing fighting between the ISIS and Iraqi military forces in Mosul.

According to military and security sources in the province, 41 Iraqi soldiers and 27 ISIS members have been killed. More than 60 policemen are said to be among the injured.

“ISIS militants control the apartments in Yermouk district and they have forced many people to leave the area,” Yasir Hashim, the director of Mosul’s Kurdish Asayish forces told Rudaw. ”We have not received complete information as to why.”

ISIS, a radical Islamist group mainly based in Syria, has taken control of two districts in Mosul and a large number of people are fleeing the city out of fear of the spreading violence.

The group has also been engaged in fierce fighting with Iraqi troops in Anbar and Samarra.

“80 percent of routes between Mosul and Rabi’a, Tal Afar, Baghdad, and Tikrit are under the control of ISIS militants,” said Hashim.

On Saturday morning, Nineveh governor Athil al-Nujaifi called members of the provincial council for an emergency meeting to discuss the deteriorating security situation.

“We ask Kurdistan Confederation President Massoud Barzani to send more Peshmerga (Kurdish military) forces to protect Kurdish citizens in Mosul, especially Shabak Kurds who are under threat from militants,” Shwan Dawudi, a member of the provincial council, told Rudaw.

Meanwhile, Ali Muhammad Fathi, mayor of Bartella district said that Peshmerga and Zeravani Special Forces are protecting his town.

Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri al-Maliki has repeatedly called on Peshmerga forces to leave the district so that Iraqi military can take up the fight with the ISIS.

Fighting between ISIS and Iraqi forces has intensified since the beginning of this month.

http://rudaw.net/english/middleeast/iraq/07062014
Russian Girenak Joseph, who visited Kirkuk in Kurdistan as a part of his tour throu the 1870 - 1873 AD, who published the results of his trip & his studies later in 1879, in the 4th volume in the Bulletin of the Caucasus department of the Royal Geographical Russian Society estimated Kirkuk's population as many as 12-50,000 people, & he emphasized that except 40 Christian families, the rest of the population were Kurds. As for The Turkmen & Arabs, they have not been already existed at the time.
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Mosul in ISIS Grip as Local Officials Call for Peshmarga Help

ERBIL, Kurdistan Confederation - The city of Mosul in KRG saw one of the biggest attacks by fighters of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) in several years, when the group attacked parts of the city and Iraqi forces Saturday, leading to scores of deaths.

According to Muhammad Ibrahim, head of the security committee of Nineveh province, 41 Iraqi security personnel -- and as many ISIS fighters -- were killed in the attacks.

According to local authorities in Mosul around 3,000 ISIS fighters were involved in the Saturday morning attacks. They approached the city from different directions, controlled major roads and cut off the city from the rest of the country.

In the process, they managed to control parts of Iraq’s second-largest city, such as Musherfa, Tanak, 17 Tammuz, Muairibi and Islah Zirai.

“The situation in Mosul is tense,” Ibrahim told Rudaw. “Many families from areas controlled by the ISIS have fled their homes and headed to safe areas outside the city.”

Nuraddin Qablan, deputy Nineveh governor, said that almost half of the city is under ISIS control.

“The Badu prison is also at risk that holds hundreds of prisoners, some of whom are there on terrorism charges,” he said. “The ISIS is trying to bring that prison under control.”

The mayor of the town of Bartala, Ali Muhammad, said shortly after the attacks that the Iraqi army was unable to protect the area and he called on the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG) to send them Kurdish Peshmarga forces.

Muhammad said that a day before the attacks on his town, an explosion had targeted one of its neighborhoods, in which many civilians were injured. “Even then, there was no sign of Iraqi troops anywhere to protect people,” he said.

Mosul and its surrounding towns and villages are some of Iraq’s most multi-ethnic regions, home to Shiites, Sunnis, Yezidis and Christians.

The Kurdish areas of Nineveh fall within the disputed territories. However, since 2003, Kurdish Peshmarga and special forces have been present, protecting Kurdish, Yezidi and Christian towns and villages.

Mosul proper is outside the KRG jurisdiction, and is under the central government.

Brigadier Halgurd Hikmat, the media officer of the Peshmarga forces, said they had no order from the Kurdish leadership for deployment.

“We are aware that the people of that area are asking for Peshmarga reinforcements, but up to this point the ISIS has not targeted the Kurdish people in that area,” Hikmat said.

Saturday’s violence reminded many Iraqis of similar attacks by al-Qaeda-affiliated groups in 2005, in which the terrorists expelled Iraqi forces and seized full control of the city. Back then, Kurdish forces rushed to the assistance of Iraqi troops and helped regain control of the city.

Since the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime in 2003, Mosul has been considered one of the most violent cities in Iraq, with Iraqi forces having minimal control.

The massive assault on Mosul was part of several similar attacks the ISIS has been launching against Iraqi security forces in Anbar and Samarra this past week.

Simultaneously on Saturday, their fighters attacked the University of Anbar while students were in the middle of final exams, disarmed guards at the compound, and fled with the arms and university vehicles.

Asma Osama, a health official in Anbar, said that no one was hurt in the university attack. However, she said that students had been sent to hide in people’s homes in the neighborhood.

The ISIS is an extremist Islamic group, established in Syria more than two years ago. Many of its members are foreign fighters who have joined the group from other Muslim countries.

The group now has support and members in Iraq’s Sunni provinces of Nineveh and Anbar, where they have exploited people’s grievances against the Shiite government to openly patrol the streets and challenge Iraqi troops and police.

Nineveh Governor Athil al-Nujaifi echoed his colleagues’ concerns, saying that the local police and security forces were incapable of stopping the massive attack on his city.

The attack came just days after the formal handover of a batch of F-16 fighter planes from the United States to Iraq, which Baghdad says will be used to improve the country’s security and “combat terrorism.”

http://rudaw.net/english/middleeast/iraq/08062014
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Xoybun
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Damn the central government!! They purposely allowed ISIS to take hold of Mosul to weaken Kurdistan!Is it South or North Mosul?
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FulcrumKAF
Jun 7 14, 10:38
I fear that a similar scenario could happen to Peshmerga in a conventional war (not AS bad as IA, due to different strategy, but not far from it). The reason is the commanders are either former guerrilla or loyal politicians with few of them having any significant knowledge on conventional warfare. Peshmerga would most likely turn into a guerrilla-like force rather quickly in a conventional war. I hope Gorran will reform Peshmerga and change this.
How does in your view the Peshmerga's competence and skill compare to IA on infantry level? A lot of us have this romantic (and IMO foolish) impression that Kurds make "super-soldiers", but is there any factual indication that our troops are better than the Iraqi's?

I know that some cadres of Peshmerga were trained by the US and perhaps even Israel, but it's a fact that the IA has received similar training from the US.

Another question, assuming that the KRG will respond appropriately to Iraq receiving F-16s by purchasing anti-aircraft weapons, do you think that SK stands a chance of defeating an Iraqi invasion, by conventional warfare?
Edited by Partizan, Jun 8 14, 9:57.
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Partizan
Jun 8 14, 9:50
FulcrumKAF
Jun 7 14, 10:38
I fear that a similar scenario could happen to Peshmerga in a conventional war (not AS bad as IA, due to different strategy, but not far from it). The reason is the commanders are either former guerrilla or loyal politicians with few of them having any significant knowledge on conventional warfare. Peshmerga would most likely turn into a guerrilla-like force rather quickly in a conventional war. I hope Gorran will reform Peshmerga and change this.
How does the Peshmerga's competence and skill compare to IA on infantry level? A lot of us have this romantic (and IMO foolish) impression that Kurds make "super-soldiers", but is there any factual indication that our troops are better than the Iraqi's?

Another question, assuming that the KRG will respond to Iraq receiving F-16s by purchasing anti-aircraft weapons, do you think that SK stands a chance of defeating an Iraqi invasion, by conventional warfare?

I agree that the romantic view we have on our soldiers might lead to our demise, just like it has done with so many other nations.

The majority of our forces aren't actually trained by US or Israel, but by ROKA. They (ROKA) are used to mountain troops, and thus they fitted perfectly for the terrain of Kurdistan. So in that sense our soldiers are better trained for mountain warfare than the IA, however they are better trained for open terrain/HI conventional warfare. The IA is trained mostly by US and more suited for warfare in open terrain.

Many of our special forces are comparable to the ISOF in terms of equipment and training, but the ISOF have better air support (something KRG seems to be trying to change, as the MD530Fs and EC120Bs can be combined to be used as an SOF Aviation brigade).

On an intelligence level I would say Kurds have the advantage. We also have the best OPSEC in Iraq.

An all out war is impossible to predict as we don't know the strategies/commanders, the information they posses, corruption, morale etc

On paper (and very simplified); If we assume both go on an all out conventional warfare (and IA isn't in the strained state it is in now), we would be able to defend the mountainous areas but lose the more open areas (much of the disputed areas). Pesh is still weak in conventional warfare on open terrain, and to be honest much of their heavy equipment is target practice for many of the IA ACVs. We are dependent on our infantry and our ATGMs and MANPADs to destroy their heavy equipment. Kerkûk city and other urban areas would turn into LI fighting areas like we see now between ISIS and IA. Peshmerga might hold the upper hand in such a scenario, as they have support of the local population and many of the Peshmerga stationed there are locals (and thus know the city as the inside of their palm). Our ATGMs would be able to neutralize the Iraqi armor advantage. We have way more ATGMs than IA (and ISIS for that matter), due to the fact that IA fears losing them to terrorists and we don't (because of the stable state of Kurdistan). This is the scenario on paper and not taking into consideration other factors like reorganizing, poor training on some fields, large chunks of forces bugged down other places.

We have the upper hand of shorter interior logistical lines. If we assume we have MANPADS (or other AAWs) to take down their aircraft before they destroy our logistical lines, we might be able to defend even the disputed areas against IA (also depending on our ATGMs).

We do have the disadvantage of reorganizing our forces now (so does IA by the way). Peshmerga (or IA) is not ready for an all out war at the moment, and many internal conflicts between commanders and politicians hinder fast development (even tho we have been able to keep up with IA's phase of reorganizing).
Our forces are more ready for an all out war than IA is at this very moment tho. This might change in the next months.

Also, the scenario I described above does not take into consideration the limited training on heavy equipment many of the IA divisions face (and the fact that they are reorganizing to fit the new equipment into the divisions). Much IA is also bugged down with ISIS (and thus can't send all their forces to fight Peshmerga, while we can send most, maybe even all, our forces to fight IA), and because of the logistical lines, we might be able to hold our ground if an all out war happened tomorrow (even in the disputed areas).

We are dependent on Turkey for logistical support in such a war tho. If Turkey back stabs us (I don't mean attacking us, but simply not giving us logistical support), we would lose an conventional war with IA (simply by being strangled).
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ALAN
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Where are they coming from? Ice age caves!? Seriously !!
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Russian Girenak Joseph, who visited Kirkuk in Kurdistan as a part of his tour throu the 1870 - 1873 AD, who published the results of his trip & his studies later in 1879, in the 4th volume in the Bulletin of the Caucasus department of the Royal Geographical Russian Society estimated Kirkuk's population as many as 12-50,000 people, & he emphasized that except 40 Christian families, the rest of the population were Kurds. As for The Turkmen & Arabs, they have not been already existed at the time.
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FulcrumKAF
Jun 8 14, 11:02
Partizan
Jun 8 14, 9:50

Quoting limited to 2 levels deep

I agree that the romantic view we have on our soldiers might lead to our demise, just like it has done with so many other nations.

The majority of our forces aren't actually trained by US or Israel, but by ROKA. They (ROKA) are used to mountain troops, and thus they fitted perfectly for the terrain of Kurdistan. So in that sense our soldiers are better trained for mountain warfare than the IA, however they are better trained for open terrain/HI conventional warfare. The IA is trained mostly by US and more suited for warfare in open terrain.

Many of our special forces are comparable to the ISOF in terms of equipment and training, but the ISOF have better air support (something KRG seems to be trying to change, as the MD530Fs and EC120Bs can be combined to be used as an SOF Aviation brigade).

On an intelligence level I would say Kurds have the advantage. We also have the best OPSEC in Iraq.

An all out war is impossible to predict as we don't know the strategies/commanders, the information they posses, corruption, morale etc

On paper (and very simplified); If we assume both go on an all out conventional warfare (and IA isn't in the strained state it is in now), we would be able to defend the mountainous areas but lose the more open areas (much of the disputed areas). Pesh is still weak in conventional warfare on open terrain, and to be honest much of their heavy equipment is target practice for many of the IA ACVs. We are dependent on our infantry and our ATGMs and MANPADs to destroy their heavy equipment. Kerkûk city and other urban areas would turn into LI fighting areas like we see now between ISIS and IA. Peshmerga might hold the upper hand in such a scenario, as they have support of the local population and many of the Peshmerga stationed there are locals (and thus know the city as the inside of their palm). Our ATGMs would be able to neutralize the Iraqi armor advantage. We have way more ATGMs than IA (and ISIS for that matter), due to the fact that IA fears losing them to terrorists and we don't (because of the stable state of Kurdistan). This is the scenario on paper and not taking into consideration other factors like reorganizing, poor training on some fields, large chunks of forces bugged down other places.

We have the upper hand of shorter interior logistical lines. If we assume we have MANPADS (or other AAWs) to take down their aircraft before they destroy our logistical lines, we might be able to defend even the disputed areas against IA (also depending on our ATGMs).

We do have the disadvantage of reorganizing our forces now (so does IA by the way). Peshmerga (or IA) is not ready for an all out war at the moment, and many internal conflicts between commanders and politicians hinder fast development (even tho we have been able to keep up with IA's phase of reorganizing). However, Zeravani, 16 of 20 brigades and our mechanized divisions (unlike much of Iraq's heavy equipment divisions, even tho our armor is next to useless compared to theirs) are ready for an all out war, and thus we are in a better position that IA.

Our forces are more ready for an all out war than IA is at this very moment. This might change in the next months.

Also, the scenario I described above does not take into consideration the limited training on heavy equipment many of the IA divisions face (and the fact that they are reorganizing to fit the new equipment into the divisions). Much IA is also bugged down with ISIS (and thus can't send all their forces to fight Peshmerga, while we can send most, maybe even all, our forces to fight IA), and because of the logistical lines, we might be able to hold our ground if an all out war happened tomorrow (even in the disputed areas).

We are dependent on Turkey for logistical support in such a war tho. If Turkey back stabs us (I don't mean attacking us, but simply not giving us logistical support), we would lose an conventional war with IA (simply by being strangled).
Remember, this is a temporary advantage against IA we have. In the future (just months from now at a minimum, 1.5 years at max), when IA is fully reorganized and got its soldiers trained to the planned level on the heavy equipment (plus, an air force capable of destroying our logistical lines), we will lose this advantage.
Might explain KRG's hard stance against Baghdad + its recent bid for Independence (Baghdad don't have the power to do anything with force at the moment).
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Zagros
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Kurdish Anti-Terror forces rescue 150-200 students from ISIS forces in Mosul University

https://twitter.com/RebazQ/status/475697757554888705

http://pukmedia.com/KS_Direje.aspx?Jimare=29478

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AlanJunior
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I hope there is a video!
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ALAN
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It's called Dja Tîror the same one that rescued the civilians from Kerkûk Jawahir malls earlier this year...
Russian Girenak Joseph, who visited Kirkuk in Kurdistan as a part of his tour throu the 1870 - 1873 AD, who published the results of his trip & his studies later in 1879, in the 4th volume in the Bulletin of the Caucasus department of the Royal Geographical Russian Society estimated Kirkuk's population as many as 12-50,000 people, & he emphasized that except 40 Christian families, the rest of the population were Kurds. As for The Turkmen & Arabs, they have not been already existed at the time.
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Zagros
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ISIS in Mosul, as Thousands of Residents Flee to Kurdistan

ERBIL, Kurdistan Confederation – Fighters of the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS) still control eight neighborhoods of Mosul, Iraq’s interior ministry said, as local officials demanded help from Kurdish Peshmarga forces to oust the al-Qaeda splinter group.

Meanwhile, thousands seeking safety from the worsening security situation in Nineveh province -- where Mosul is the capital -- fled to the Kurdistan Confederation .

"ISIS militants attempted to control Mosul International Hotel, but Iraqi security forces repelled the attack and killed 20 militants, including five snipers, and destroyed three vehicles," said Brigadier General Saad Ma'an, spokesman of the Iraqi interior ministry.

Esmat Rajab, head of the Kurdistan Democratic Party’s (KDP) bureau in Mosul, confirmed the account of the interior ministry spokesman. “As far as we know, they (ISIS) attempted to control Mosul International Hotel, but their attempt was defeated," he said.

According to military and security sources in the province, 41 Iraqi soldiers and 27 ISIS members have been killed. More than 60 policemen are said to be among the injured.

Ma’an said that schools and universities had been closed down in Mosul due to potential hostage taking by ISIS. "Most of the dormitories have been evacuated because of the possibility of attack, and certainly these incidents have paralyzed the education process in the city,” he said.

Thousands of resident have fled the city, seeking safety in eastern Mosul, which is partially under the control of Kurdish Peshmarga forces.

A Rudaw correspondent said that nearly 4,000 people from Mosul have fled to the Kurdistan Confederation . The refugees say that ISIS fighters were using homes in Mosul as shields to attack the army.

Kurdish Peshmarga forces have not participated in the clashes against ISIS until now, but they are on the high alert on the Kurdistan Confederation ’s borders, officials said.

Jabar Yawar, chief of staff in the Peshmarga ministry, denied that the KRG had been asked to confront ISIS forces outside the Kurdistan Confederation .

“Such a request should come from the federal government to the KRG,” he explained.

“Unfortunately, the federal government has not agreed until now, and has not coordinated and assisted the Peshmarga forces in those areas to control the security situation there,” he said.

Yawar insisted that Peshmarga forces could have provided better security for the people. “If Peshmarga forces were there, all these explosions and killings of innocent citizens would not have happened,” he said.

He added that the non-existence of Peshmarga forces had provided a space for the terrorists to operate freely in those regions.

In the meantime, some local officials in Mosul pleaded for the KRG to deploy its forces to protect the Kurdish population of the city.

“We ask Massoud Barzani, president of the Kurdistan Confederation , to dispatch Peshmarga and security forces to protect the Kurds of Mosul, in particular the Shabk Kurds, who have always been a target of the extremist militants,” said Ghazwan Dawdi, a member of Nineveh’s provincial council.

ISIS has launched coordinated attacks in the Sunni provinces over the past several days. It briefly controlled large parts of the city of Samarra in Salahaddin province, while taking students and professors hostage a Ramadi University.

In the meantime, ISIS suicide bombers claimed responsibility for an attack on the office of the Patriotic Union of Kurdistan in the town of Jalaula in Diyala province, killing at least 20 and wounding 63 others.

http://rudaw.net/english/middleeast/iraq/09062014
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kurdishpatriot
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secular sheikh

there are almost twice as much iraqi soldiers dead than isis crappy sand dogs. I ask my self: how good would peshmerga do it with same equipment and weapons as the iraqi army?? cool*
#PROMOTEWOMENRIGHTS
"shengal bo ezdi ya", Ezidi namerin, HATA ARAB NAMAYEN NEK SHENGAL!
"A society can never be free without women's liberation" - Abdullah Ocalan
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Zagros
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kurdishpatriot
Jun 9 14, 11:32
there are almost twice as much iraqi soldiers dead than isis crappy sand dogs. I ask my self: how good would peshmerga do it with same equipment and weapons as the iraqi army?? cool*
All ISIS dog would be dead.
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Zagros
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Peshmerga forces said to have entered al-Jaza'ir quarter in #Mosul to fight ISIS

https://twitter.com/ajaltamimi/status/476068746038370304

Multiple sources say that the #ISIS #terrorists managed to take over the provincial council HQ in #Mosul city.

https://twitter.com/havall73/status/476102874901278721

Edited by Zagros, Jun 10 14, 7:51.
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